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OF 

Hon.  Grover  Cleveland 


“ Sentiment  in  Our  National  Life.” 


Upon  the  Occasion  of  the  Celebration  of  the  Anniversary  of 
the  Birthday  of  George  Washington. 


Under  the  Direction  of  the  Classes  of  the  Law  Department 
of  the  University  of  Michig-an. 


PRESENTED  BY  THE  CLASS  OF  ’92. 


REGISTER  PUBLISHING  COMPANY, 
PRINTERS  AND  ENGRAVERS, 

ANN  ARBOR,  - MICHIGAN. 


PREFACE. 

• • • 

The  celebration  of  the  anniversary  of  the  birth- 
day of  George  Washington  by  the  Law  Department 
of  the  University  of  Michigan  has  become  a well 
established  custom.  This  pamphlet,  containing  a 
full  account  of  the  proceedings  of  the  day,  February 
22,  1892,  is  intended  as  a souvenir  of  the  occasion. 
It  has  been  prepared  at  the  instance  of  the  -class  of 
’92,  Law  Department,  and  contains  the  introductory 
speech  of  President  James  B.  Angell  of  the  Univer- 
sity; the  address  of  Hon.  Grover  Cleveland;  brief 
speeches  by  ex-Governor  Campbell  of  Ohio,  Gover- 
nor E.  B.  Winans  of  Michigan,  ex- Governors  Felch, 
Begole  and  Jerome  of  Michigan,  Hon.  Don  M.  Dick- 
inson, and  Chief  Justice  Allan  B.  Morse  of  the 
Supreme  Court  of  Michigan;  the  invitation  of  the 
classes  and  Faculty  of  the  Law  Department  to  Mr. 
Cleveland;  Mr.  Cleveland’s  acceptance;  the  resolu- 
tions of  the  law  classes;  and  a list  of  the  members 
of  the  various  committees  to  which  the  conduct  of 
the  celebration  was  entrusted. 

The  celebration  this  year  was  probably  the  most 
notable  in  the  history  of  the  University.  The  class 


of  ’92  wishes  to  express  its  gratitude  to  the  Faculty 
of  the  Law  Department,  to  President  Angell,  to  the 
Mayor  and  citizens  of  Ann  Arbor,  and  to  Hon.  Don 
M.  Dickinson  for  contributing  to  the  success  of  the 
occasion.  In  the  resolutions  upon  another  page  of 
this  souvenir  pamphlet,  the  classes  of  the  Law 
Department  have  expressed  their  appreciation  of 
the  visit  and  address  of  Mr.  Cleveland. 

Mr.  Cleveland  was  received  at  the  Ann  Arbor 
station  of  the  Michigan  Central  R.  R.,  by  Mayor 
Doty  of  Ann  Arbor,  President  Angell,  and  the 
committee  of  the  Law  Department,  and  was  escorted 
by  the  military  companies  of  Ann  Arbor  and  Ypsi- 
lanti  and  about  two  thousand  students  to  the 
residence  of  President  Angell.  The  address  was 
delivered  in  University  Hall,  commencing  at  3 
o’clock  in  the  afternoon.  In  the  evening  a recep- 
tion was  tendered  to  Mr.  Cleveland  in  the  corridors 
of  the  Washtenaw  County  Court  House. 


THE  ADDRESS. 


• • • 

lu  introducing  Mr.  Cleveland,  President  Angell 
spoke  as  follows: 

Ladies  and  Gentlemen. — I think  that  our 
illustrious  visitor  is  already  convinced  of  the  heart- 
iness of  his  welcome.  I will  assure  him,  though, 
in  your  names,  that  it  is  as  hearty  as  it  is  vocifer- 
ous, and  human  ability  can  go  no  farther.  I have 
never  wished  as  here  to-day  that  this  hall  covered 
one-quarter  of  the  campus,  but  even  then  I am 
convinced  it  would  be  crowded  to  its  uttermost 
limits  by  the  men  and  women  and  children  anxious 
to  hear  our  distinguished  visitor.  We  all  owe  the 
Law  Department  a debt  of  gratitude  for  its  annual 
observance  of  Washington’s  birthday,  and  in  times 
past  it  has  brought  a number  of  famous  visitors  to 
us,  but  none  more  so  than  he  who  is  to  address  us 
to-day,  one  whom  all  of  us,  regardless  of  party  con- 
victions or  belief,  delight  to  honor  and  respect 
for  his  incorruptible  integrity,  high  administrative 
ability,  lofty  ideas  of  civic  virtue,  and  the  splendid 
and  invincible  courage  with  which  he  adheres  to 
what  he  believes  to  be  right.  I have  the  honor 


■5— 


:and  the  pleasure  of  presenting  to  you  this  after- 
noon, ex-President  Cleveland,  of  New  York  City. 

Mr.  Cleveland  spoke  upon  ‘^Sentiment  in  Our 
National  Life,’’  as  follows: 

Among  the  few  holidays  which  the  rush  and 
hurry  of  American  life  concede  to  us,  surely  no 
one  of  a secular  character  is  so  suggestive  and 
impressive  as  the  day  we  celebrate  on  this  occasion. 
We  not  only  commemorate  the  birth  of  the  greatest 
American  who  ever  lived,  but  we  recall  as  insepar- 
ably connected  with  his  career,  all  the  events  and 
incidents  which  led  up  to  the  establishment  of  free 
institutions  in  this  land  of  ours,  and  culminated  in 
the  erection  of  our  wondrous  nation. 

The  University  of  Michigan,  therefore,  most 
appropriately  honors  herself,  and  does  a fitting 
public  service,  by  especially  providing  for  such  an 
observance  of  the  day  as  is  calculated  to  turn  to  the 
contemplation  of  patriotic  duty  the  thoughts  of  the 
young  men  whom  she  is  soon  to  send  out  to  take 
places  in  the  ranks  of  American  citizenship. 

I hope  it  may  not  be  out  of  place  for  me  to 
express  the  gratification  it  affords  me  as  a member 
of  the  legal  profession,  to  know  that  the  conduct  of 
these  exercises  has  been  committed  to  the  classes  of 
the  Law  Department  of  the  University.  There 
seems  to  me  to  be  a propriety  in  this,  for  I have 
always  thought  the  influences  surrounding  the  prac- 


—6— 


tice  and  study  of  the  law,  should  especially  induce 
a patriotic  feeling.  The  business  of  the  profession 
is  related  to  the  enforcement  and  operation  of  the 
laws  which  govern  our  people;  and  its  members, 
more  often  than  those  engaged  in  other  occupations, 
are  called  to  a participation  in  making  these  laws. 
Besides,  they  are  constantly  brought  to  the  study 
ot  the  fundamental  law  of  the  land,  and  a familiar- 
ity with  its  history.  Such  study  and  familiarity 
should  be  sufficient  of  themselves  to  increase  a 
man’s  love  of  country;  and  they  certainly  cannot 
fail  to  arouse  his  veneration  for  the  men  who  laid 
the  foundations  of  our  nation  sure  and  steadfast  in 
a written  Constitution,  which  has  been  declared  by 
the  greatest  living  English  statesman,  to  be  ^‘the 
most  wonderful  work  ever  struck  off  at  a given 
time  by  the  brain  and  purpose  of  man.” 

Washington  had  more  to  do  with  the  forming 
of  the  Constitution  than  our  enthusiasm  for  other 
phases  of  the  great  work  he  did  for  his  country 
usually  makes  prominent.  He  fought  the  battles 
which  cleared  the  way  for  it.  He  best  knew  the 
need  of  consolidating  under  one  government  the 
colonies  he  had  made  free,  and  he  best  knew  that 
without  this  consolidation  a wasting  war,  the  long 
and  severe  privations  and  sufferings  his  countrymen 
had  undergone,  and  his  own  devoted  labor  in  the 
cause  of  freedom,  were  practically  in  vain.  The 


—7— 


beginning  of  anything  like  public  sentiment  looking 
to  the  formation  of  our  nation  is  traceable  to  his 
efforts.  The  circular  letter  he  sent  to  the  governors 
of  the  states,  as  early  as  the  close  of  the  war  of  the 
revolution,  contained  the  germ  of  the  Constitution; 
and  all  this  was  recognized  by  his  unanimous  choice 
to  preside  over  the  convention  that  framed  it.  His 
spirit  was  in  and  through  it  all. 

But  whatever  may  be  said  of  the  argument 
presented  in  support  of  the  propriety  of  giving  the 
law  classes  the  management  of  this  celebration,  it 
is  entirely  clear  that  the  University  herself  furnishes 
to  all  her  students  a most  useful  lesson,  when  by 
decreeing  the  observance  of  this  day,  she  recognizes 
the  fact  that  the  knowledge  of  books  she  imparts  is 
not  a complete  fulfillment  of  her  duty,  and  concedes 
that  the  education  with  which  she  so  well  equips  her 
graduates  for  individual  success  in  life  and  for 
business  and  professional  usefulness,  may  profitably 
be  supplemented  by  the  stimulation  of  their  patriot- 
ism, and  by  the  direction  of  their  thoughts  to  sub- 
jects relating  to  their  country’s  welfare.  I do  not 
know  how  generally  such  an  observance  of  Wash- 
ington’s birthday  as  has  been  here  established, 
prevails  in  our  other  universities  and  colleges;  but 
I am  convinced  that  any  institution  of  learning  in 
our  land  which  neglects  to  provide  for  the  instructive 
and  improving  observance  of  this  day  within  its 


—8— 


walls,  falls  short  of  its  attainable  measure  of  use- 
fulness and  omits  a just  and  valuable  contriubtion 
to  the  general  good.  There  is  a great  need  of 
educated  men  in  our  public  life,  but  it  is  the  need 
of  educated  men  with  patriotism.  The  college 
graduate  may  be,  and  frequently  is,  more  unpat- 
riotic and  less  useful  in  public  affairs  than  the 
man  who  with  limited  education,  has  spent  the 
years  when  opinions  are  formed,  in  improving  con- 
tact with  the  world  instead  of  being  within  college 
walls  and  confined  to  the  study  of  books.  If  it  be 
true  as  is  often  claimed,  that  a scholar  in  politics  is 
generally  a failure,  it  may  well  be  due  to  the  fact 
that  during  his  formative  period,  when  lasting 
impressions  are  easily  received,  his  intellect  alone 
has  been  cultivated  at  the  expense  of  wholesome 
and  well  regulated  sentiment. 

I speak  to-day  in  advocacy  of  this  sentiment. 
If  it  is  not  found  in  extreme  and  exclusive  mental 
culture,  neither  is  it  found  in  the  busy  marts  of 
trade,  nor  in  the  confusion  of  bargaining,  nor  in 
the  mad  rush  after  wealth.  Its  home  is  in  the  soul 
and  memory  of  man.  It  has  to  do  with  the  moral 
sense.  It  reverences  traditions,  it  loves  ideas,  it 
cherishes  the  names  and  the  deeds  of  heroes  and  it 
worships  at  the  shrine  of  patriotism.  I plead  for 
it  because  there  is  a sentiment  which  in  some 


—9— 


features  is  distinctively  American,  that  we  should 
never  allow  to  languish. 

When  we  are  told  that  we  are  a practical  and 
common -sense  people,  we  are  apt  to  receive  the 
statement  with  approval  and  applause.  We  are 
proud  of  its  truth  and  naturally  proud  because  its 
truth  is  attributable  to  the  hard  work  we  have  had 
to  do  ever  since  our  birth  as  a nation,  and  because 
of  the  stern  labor  we  will  see  in  our  way  before  we 
reach  our  determined  destiny.  There  is  cause  to 
suspect,  however,  that  another  and  less  creditable 
reason  for  our  gratification  arises  from  a feeling 
that  there  is  something  heroically  American  in 
treating  with  indifference  or  derision  all  those 
things  which  in  our  view  do  not  directly  and 
palpably  pertain  to  what  we  call,  with  much 
satisfaction,  practical  affairs,  but  which,  if  we  were 
entirely  frank,  we  should  confess  might  be  called 
money-getting  and  the  betterment  of  individual 
condition.  Growing  out  of  this  feeling,  an  increas- 
ing disposition  is  discernible  among  our  people, 
which  begrudges  to  sentiment  any  time  or  attention 
that  might  be  given  to  business  and  which  is  apt  to 
crowd  out  of  mind  any  thought  not  directly  related 
to  selfish  plans  and  purposes. 

A little  reflection  ought  to  convince  us  that 
this  may  be  carried  much  too  far.  It  is  a mistake 
to  regard  sentiment  as  merely  something,  which  if 


lO — 


indulged,  has  a tendency  to  tempt  to  idle  and 
useless  contemplation  or  retrospection,  thus  weak- 
ening in  a people  the  sturdiness  of  necessary 
endeavor  and  diluting  the  capacity  for  national 
achievement. 

The  elements  which  m'ake  up  the  sentiment  of  a 
people  should  not  be  counted  as  amiable  weaknesses 
because  they  are  not  at  all  times  noisy  and  turbu- 
lent. The  gentleness  and  loveliness  of  woman  do 
not  cause  us  to  forget  that  she  can  inspire  man  to 
deeds  of  greatness  and  heroism;  that  as  wife  she 
often  makes  man’s  career  noble  and  grand,  and* that 
as  mother  she  builds  and  fashions  in  her  sons  the 
strong  pillars  of  a state.  So  the  sentiment  of  a 
people  which  in  peace  and  contentment  decks  with 
flowers  the  temple  of  their  rule  may,  in  rage  and 
fury,  thunder  at  its  foundations.  Sentiment  is  the 
cement  which  keeps  in  place  the  granite  blocks  of 
governmental  power,  or  the  destructive  agency 
whose  explosion  heaps  in  ruins  their  scattered 
fragments.  The  monarch  who  cares  only  for  his 
sovereignty  and  safety,  leads  his  subjects  to  forget- 
fulness of  oppression  by  a pretense  of  love  for  their 
traditions;  and  the  ruler  who  plans  encroachments 
upon  the  liberties  of  his  people,  shrewdly  proceeds 
under  the  apparent  sanction  of  the  sentiment. 
Appeals  to  sentiment  have  led  nations  to  bloody 
wars  which  have  destroyed  dynasties  and  changed 

— II — 


the  lines  of  imperial  territory.  Such  an  appeal 
summoned  our  fathers  to  the  battle-fields  where 
American  independence  was  won,  and  such  an 
appeal  has  scattered  soldiers’  graves  all  over  our 
land,  which  mutely  give  evidence  of  the  power  of 
our  government  and  the  perpetuity  of  our  free 
institutions 

I have  thus  far  spoken  of  a people’s  sentiment 
as  something  which  may  exist  and  be  effective, 
under  any  form  of  government,  and  in  any  national 
condition.  But  the  thought  naturally  follows,  that 
if  this  sentiment  may  be  so  potent  in  countries 
ruled  by  a power  originating  outside  of  popular 
will,  how  vital  must  its  existence  and  regulation  be 
among  our  countrymen,  who  rule  themselves  and 
make  and  administer  their  own  laws.  In  lands  less 
free  than  ours  the  control  of  the  governed  may  be 
more  easily  maintained  if  those  who  are  set  over 
them  see  fit  to  make  concession  to  their  sentiment; 
yet,  with  or  without  such  concession,  the  strong 
hand  of  force  may  still  support  the  power  to  govern. 
But  sentiment  is  the  life-blood  of  our  nation.  Our 
government  was  conceived  amid  the  thunders  that 
echoed  ‘‘All  men  are  created  equal,”  and  it  was 
brought  forth  while  free  men  shouted  “We,  the 
people  of  the  United  States.”  The  sentiment  of 
our  Fathers,  made  up  of  their  patriotic  intentions, 
their  sincere  beliefs,  their  homely  impulses  and 


12 — 


their  noble  aspirations,  entered  into  the  government 
they  established;  and  unless  it  is  constantly  sup- 
ported and  guarded  by  a sentiment  as  pure  as 
theirs,  our  scheme  of  popular  rule  will  fail. 
Another  and  a different  plan  may  take  its  place; 
but  this  which  we  hold  in  sacred  trust,  as  it 
originated  in  patriotism,  is  only  fitted  for  patriotic 
and  honest  uses  and  purposes,  and  can  only  be 
administered  in  its  integrity  and  intended  benefi- 
cence by  honest  and  patriotic  men.  It  can  no  more 
be  saved  nor  faithfully  conducted  by  a selfish, 
dishonest  and  corrupt  people,  than  a stream  can 
rise  above  its  source  or  be  better  and  purer  than  its 
fountain  head. 

None  of  us  can  be  ignorant  of  the  ideas  which 
constitute  the  sentiment  underlying  our  national 
structure.  We  know  they  are  a reverent  belief  in 
God,  a sincere  recognition  of  the  value  and  power 
of  moral  principle  and  those  qualities  of  heart  which 
make  a noble  manhood,  devotion  to  unreserved 
patriotism,  love  for  man’s  equality,  unquestioning 
trust  in  popular  rule,  the  exaction  of  civic  virtue 
and  honesty,  faith  in  the  saving  quality  of  universal 
education,  protection  of  a free  and  unperverted 
expression  of  the  popular  will,  and  an  insistence 
upon  a strict  accountability  of  public  officers  as 
servants  of  the  people. 


These  are  the  elements  of  American  sentiment; 
and  all  these  should  be  found  deeply  imbedded  in 
the  minds  and  hearts  of  our  countrymen.  When 
any  one  of  them  is  displaced,  the  time  has  come 
when  a danger  signal  should  be  raised.  Their 
absence  among  the  people  of  other  nations — how- 
ever great  and  powerful  they  may  be — can  afford 
us  no  comfort  or  reassurance.  We  must  work  out 
our  destiny  unaided  and  alone  in  full  view  of  the 
truth,  that  nowhere  so  directly  and  surely  as  here, 
does  the  destruction  or  degeneracy  of  the  people 
sentiment  undermine  the  foundations  of  govern- 
mental rule. 

Let  us  not  for  a moment  suppose  that  we  can 
outgrow  our  dependence  upon  this  sentiment,  nor 
that  in  any  stage  of  national  advance  and  develop- 
ment, it  will  be  less  important.  As  the  love  of 
family  and  kindred  remains  to  bless  and  strengthen 
a man  in  all  the  vicissitudes  of  his  mature  and  busy 
life,  so  must  our  American  sentiment  remain  with 
us  as  a people — a sure  hope  and  reliance  in  every 
phase  of  our  country’s  growth.  Nor  will  it  suffice 
that  the  factors  which  compose  this  sentiment  have 
a sluggish  existence  in  our  minds,  as  articles  of  an 
idle  faith  which  we  are  willing  perfunctorily  to 
profess.  They  must  be  cultivated  as  motive  prin- 
ciples, stimulating  us  to  effort  in  the  cause  of  good 
government  and  constantly  warning  us  against  the 


danger  and  dishonor  of  faithlessness  to  the  sacred 
cause  we  have  in  charge  and  heedlessness  of  the 
blessings  vouchsafed  to  us  and  future  generations, 
under  our  free  institutions. 

These  considerations  emphasize  the  value  which 
should  be  placed  upon  every  opportunity  afforded 
us  for  the  contemplation  of  the  pure  lives  and 
patriotic  services  of  those  who  have  been  connected 
with  the  controlling  incidents  of  our  country’s 
history.  Such  contemplation  cannot  fail  to  rein- 
force and  revive  the  sentiment  absolutely  essential 
to  useful  American  citizenship,  nor  fail  to  arouse 
within  us  a determination  that  during  our  steward- 
ship, no  harm  shall  come  to  the  political  gifts  we 
hold  in  trust  from  the  Fathers  of  the  Republic. 

It  is  because  George  AVashington  completely 
represented  all  the  elements  of  American  sentiment,, 
that  every  incident  of  his  life,  from  his  childhood 
to  his  death,  is  worth  recalling  — whether  it 
impresses  the  young  with  the  beauty  and  value  of 
moral  traits,  or  whether  it  exhibits  to  the  wisest 
and  oldest  an  example  of  sublime  accomplishment 
and  the  highest  possible  public  service.  Even  the 
anecdotes  of  his  boyhood  have  their  value.  I have 
no  sympathy  with  those  who  in  these  latter  days 
attempt  to  shake  our  faith  in  the  authenticity  of 
these  stories,  because  they  are  not  satisfied  with  the 
evidence  in  their  support,  or  because  they  do  not 


—15— 


-seem  to  accord  with  the  conduct  of  boys  in  this 
generation.  It  may  well  be,  that  the  stories  should 
stand  and  the  boys  of  the  present  day  be  pitied. 
At  any  rate  these  anecdotes  have  answered  an 
important  purpose;  and  in  the  present  state  of  the 
proofs,  they  should,  in  my  opinion,  be  believed. 
The  cherry  tree  and  hatchet  incident  and  its  com- 
panion declaration  that  the  Father  of  his  Country 
never  told  a lie  have  indeliably  fixed  upon  the 
mind  of  many  a boy  the  importance  of  truthfulness. 
Of  all  the  legends  containing  words  of  advice  and 
encouragement  which  hung  upon  the  wall  of  the 
little  district  schoolhouse  where  a large  share  of  my 
education  was  gained,  I remember  but  one,  which 
was  in  these  words:  ‘^George  Washington  had 

only  a common-school  education.” 

I will  not  plead  guilty  to  the  charge  of  dwelling 
upon  the  little  features  of  a great  subject.  I hope 
the  day  will  never  come  when  American  boys  can- 
not know  of  some  trait  or  some  condition  in  which 
they  may  feel  that  they  ought  to  be,  or  are,  like 
Washington.  I am  not  afraid  to  assert  that  a mul- 
titude of  men  can  be  found  in  every  part  of  our 
land,  respected  for  their  probity  and  worth,  and 
most  useful  to  the  country  and  to  their  fellow  men, 
who  will  confess  their  indebtedness  to  the  story  of 
Washington  and  his  hatchet;  and  many  a man  has 
won  his  way  to  honor  and  fame  notwithstanding 


limited  school  advantages,  because  he  found  hope 
and  incentive  in  the  high  mission  Washington 
accomplished  with  only  a common-school  education. 
These  are  not  little  and  trivial  things.  They  guide 
and  influence  the  forces  which  make  the  character 
and  sentiment  of  a great  people. 

I should  be  ashamed  of  my  country,  if  in 
further  speaking  of  what  AVashington  has  done  for 
the  sentiment  of  his  countrymen,  it  was  necessary 
to  make  an  excuse  for  a reference  to  his  constant 
love  and  fond  reverence,  as  a boy  and  man,  for  his 
mother.  This  filial  love  is  an  attribute  of  American 
manhood,  a badge  which  invites  our  trust  and  con- 
fidence and  an  indispensible  element  of  American 
greatness.  A man  may  compass  important  enter- 
prises, he  may  become  famous,  he  may  win  the 
applause  of  his  fellows,  lie  may  even  do  public 
service  and  deserve  a measure  of  popular  approval, 
but  he  is  not  right  at  heart  and  can  never  be  truly 
great  if  he  forgets  his  mother. 

In  the  latest  biography  of  AVashington  we  find 
the  following  statement  concerning  his  mother: 
‘‘That  she  was  affectionate  and  loving  cannot  be 
doubted,  for  she  retained  to  the  last  a profound 
hold  upon  the  reverential  devotion  of  her  son ; and 
yet  as  he  rose  steadily  to  the  pinnacle  of  human, 
greatness,  she  could  only  say  that  ‘ George  hadi 


—17— 


l)een  a good  boy  and  she  was  sure  he  would  do  his 
duty.’  ” 

I cannot  believe  that  the  American  people  will 
consider  themselves  called  upon  to  share  the  depre- 
catory feeling  of  the  biographer,  when  he  writes 
that  the  mother  of  Washington  could  say 

of  her  son,  that  she  believed  he  would  be  faithful 
to  the  highest  earthly  trusts,  because  he  had  been 
good;  nor  that  they  will  regard  her  words  merely 
as  an  amiably  tolerated  expression  of  a fond  mother. 
If  they  are  true  to  American  sentiment,  they  will 
recognize  in  this  language  the  announcement  of  the 
important  truth,  that  under  our  institutions  and 
scheme  of  government,  goodness  such  as  Washing- 
ton’s, is  the  best  guaranty  for  the  faithful  discharge 
of  public  duty.  They  will  certainly  do  well  for  the 
<iOuntry  and  for  themselves,  if  they  adopt  the  stand- 
ard the  intuition  of  this  noble  woman  suggests,  as 
the  measure  of  their  trust  and  confidence.  It  means 
the  exaction  of  moral  principle  and  personal  honor 
and  honesty  and  goodness  as  indispensable  creden- 
tials to  political  preferment. 

I have  referred  only  incidentally  to  the  immense 
.influence  and  service  of  Washington  in  forming  our 
Constitution.  I shall  not  dwell  upon  his  lofty 
patriotism,  his  skill  and  fortitude  as  the  military 
commander  who  gained  our  independence,  his 
inspired  wisdom,  patriotism  and  statesmanship  as 


— 18— 


first  president  of  the  republic,  his  constant  love  for 
his  countrymen  and  his  solicitude  for  their  welfare 
at  all  times.  The  story  has  been  often  told  and  is 
familiar  to  all.  If  I should  repeat  it,  I should 
only  seek  to  present  further  and  probably  unneces- 
sary proof  of  the  fact,  that  Washington  embodied 
in  his  character  and  exemplified  in  his  career  that 
American  sentiment  in  which  our  government  had 
its  origin  and  which  I believe  to  be  a condition  nec- 
essary to  our  healthful  national  life. 

I have  not  assumed  to  instruct  you.  I have 
merely  yielded  to  the  influence  of  the  occasion  and 
attempted  to  impress  upon  you  the  importance  of 
cultivating  and  maintaining  true  American  senti- 
ment, suggesting  that  as  it  has  been  planted  and 
rooted  in  the  moral  faculties  of  our  countrymen,  it 
can  only  flourish  in  their  love  of  truth  and  honesty 
and  virtue  and  goodness.  I believe  that  God  has 
so  ordained  it  for  the  people  he  has  selected  for  his 
special  favor;  and  I know  that  the  decrees  of  God 
are  never  obsolete. 

I beg  you  therefore  to  take  with  you  when  you 
go  forth  to  assume  the  obligations  of  American 
citizenship,  as  one  of  the  best  gifts  of  your  Alma 
Mater f a strong  and  abiding  faith  in  the  value  and 
potency  of  a good  conscience  and  a pure  heart. 
Never  yield  one  iota  to  those  who  teach  that  these 
are  weak  and  childish  things,  not  needed  in  he 


struggle  of  manhood  with  the  stern  realities  of  life. 
Interest  yourselves  in  public  affairs  as  a duty  of 
citizenship;  but  do  not  surrender  your  faith  to  those 
who  discredit  and  debase  politics  by  scoffing  at 
sentiment  and  principle,  and  whose  political  activity 
consists  in  attempts  to  gain  popular  support  by  cun- 
ning devices  and  shrewd  manipulation.  You  will 
find  plenty  of  these  who  will  smile  at  your  profes-^ 
sion  of  faith  and  tell  you  that  truth  and  virtue  and 
honesty  and  goodness  were  well  enough  in  the  old 
days  when  Washiugton  lived,  but  are  not  suited  to 
the  present  size  and  development  of  our  country 
and  the  progress  we  have  made  in  the  art  of  political 
management.  Be  steadfast.  The  strong  and  sturdy 
oak  still  needs  the  support  of  its  native  earth,  and 
as  it  grows  in  size  and  spreading  branches,  its  roots 
must  strike  deeper  in  the  soil  which  warmed  and 
fed  its  first  tender  sprout.  You  will  be  told  that 
the  people  have  no  longer  any  desire  for  the  things 
you  profess.  Be  not  deceived.  The  people  are  not 
dead  but  sleeping.  They  will  awaken  in  good  time,, 
and  scourge  the  money  changers  from  their  sacred 
temple. 

You  may  be  chosen  to  public  office.  Do  not 
shrink  from  it,  for  holding  office  is  also  a duty  of 
citizenship.  But  do  not  leave  your  faith  behind 
you.  Every  public  office,  small  or  great,  is  held 
in  trust  for  your  fellow-citizens.  They  differ  in 


20- 


importance,  in  responsibility  and  in  the  labor  they 
impose;  but  the  duties  of  none  of  them  can  be  well 
performed  if  the  mentorship  of  a good  conscience 
and  pure  heart  be  discarded.  Of  course  other  equip- 
ment is  necessary,  but  without  this  mentorship  all 
else  is  insufficient.  In  times  of  gravest  responsibil- 
ity it  will  solve  your  difficulties;  in  the  niost  trying 
hour  it  will  lead  you  out  of  perplexities,  and  it  will 
at  all  times  deliver  you  from  temptation. 

In  conclusion,  let  me  remind  you  that  we  may 
all  properly  learn  the  lesson  appropriate  to  Wash- 
ington’s birthday,  if  we  will;  and  that  we  shall 
fortify  ourselves  against  the  danger  of  falling  short 
in  the  discharge  of  any  duty  pertaining  to  citizen- 
ship, if  being  thoroughly  imbued  with  true  Amer- 
ican sentiment  and  the  moral  ideas  which  support 
it,  we  are  honestly  true  to  ourselves. 

To  thine  own  self  be  true. 

And  it  must  follow  as  the  night  the  day, 

Thou  canst  not  then  be  false  to  any  man.” 

At  the  conclusion  of  Mr.  Cleveland’s  address, 
President  Angell  said:  ‘‘  It  is  not  possible  to  pro- 

long this  meeting,  but  as  I see  five  Governors  here 
in  a row,  I will  ask  them  to  let  me  present  them  to 
you.  Ladies  and  gentlemen.  Governor  Winans,  of 
Michigan.” 

Governor  Winans  responded  as  follows : ‘ ‘ Ladies 
and  gentlemen  and  young  men  of  the  University  of 


Michigan,  I would  not  presume  to  occupy  a moment 
of  your  time  or  divert  your  thoughts  from  the 
splendid  doctrine  laid  down  by  our  distinguished 
visitor,  but  it  is  so  seldom  the  privilege  of  a man  ta 
stand  before  such  an  audience  as  this  that  I will 
trespass  on  you  very  briefly.  I shall  always  bear 
with  me  a bright  picture  of  the  way  in  which  the 
law  students  have  celebrated  Washington’s  birthday 
here  to-day.” 

Ex-Governor  Campbell  spoke  as  follows:  ‘‘I 

am  a typical  Ohio  man  and  therefore  too  modest  to 
make  a speech.  You  have  listened  to  one  who  has 
occupied  the  same  chair  in  which  George  Washings 
ton  sat  and  one  who  filled  it  with  the  same  high 
ideas  of  duty  that  characterized,George  Washington. 
I differ  with  him  in  just  one  sentiment,  though. 
The  people  are  not  dead,  nor  asleep,  either.” 

Ex-Governors  Felch  and  Begole,  of  Michigan, 
responded  briefly,  and  ex-Governor  Jerome,  of  the 
same  State,  said:  ‘‘ I congratulate  this  audience 

on  the  order  made  by  President  Angell  that  I am 
not  to  make  a speech  here.,  and  I felicitate  myself 
on  his  further  order  that  I am  to  stand  up  and 
exchange  glances  with  this  beautiful  audience.  I 
am  very  glad  that  I am  here  to-day.  I have  heard 
a most  excellent  speech,  and  while  I never  like  to- 
indorse  a man’s  note,  I endorse  every  word  of  what 
our  worthy  ex-President  has  said.” 


-22-- 


Hon.  Don  M.  Dickinson  said:  I have  always 

been  proud  of  my  State  and  her  crowning  glory, 
the  University  of  Michigan.  I am  especially  proud 
of  her  to-day,  and  I congratulate  her  Law  School 
especially  for  this  very  successful  celebration  of 
Washington’s  birthday.” 

Chief  Justice  Allan  B.  Morse,  of  the  Supreme 
Court  of  Michigan,  spoke  briefly  as  follows:  “ I 

am  very  glad  of  the  opportunity  of  witnessing  this 
grand  spectacle,  and  listening  to  the  words  of 
wisdom  by  which  all  of  you  young  men  should 
proflt  when  you  become  members  of  the  noblest 
profession  on  earth.” 


—23- 


THE  INVITATION. 


• • • 

Laav  Department,  U.  of  M.,  January  4,  1892. 

Hon,  Grover  Cleveland: 

Dear  Sir. — For  many  years  it  has  been  customary 
at  the  University  of  Michigan  to  commit  to  the  charge  i 
of  the  classes  of  the  Law  Department  provisions  for, 
and  the  conduct  of,  some  fitting  celebration  of  the 
birthday  of  Washington. 

We  beg  to  remind  you  that  in  1891  we  had  the 
honor  of  inviting  you  to  deliver  an  address  on  the  22d 
day  of  February  of  that  year,  and  that  in  declining  you 
kindly  intimated  that  on  some  future  occasion  you 
would  be  pleased  to  accept  an  invitation. 

We  have  treasured  this  intimation,  and  now  by 
the  unanimous  vote  of  the  committee  appointed  by 
the  six  hundred  students  of  the  department  we  beg  to 
remind  you  of  it  and  most  earnestly  urge  you  to  visit 
this  University  on  the  22d  proximo,  and  deliver  an 
address  on  any  subject  you  may  select. 

The  University  now  has  an  attendance  in  all 
departments  of  between  2,500  and  2,600  students,  and 
is,  as  regards  numbers,  one  of  the  two  largest  in  this 
country.  The  Law  School  has  much  the  largest 
attendance  of  any  in  America.  The  address  will  be 
delivered  in  University  Hall  at  the  hour  of  three 
o^clock  P.  M. 


—24— 


Trusting  that  we  may  be  so  fortunate  as  to  receive 
your  acceptance,  we  are,  with  great  respect, 

Your  obedient  servants, 

H.  A.  Smith, 

A.  A.  McLaughlin, 

C.  O.  Holly, 

C.  P.  McAllaster, 
Andrew  E.  Gibson, 

B.  F.  Brough, 

Committee  of  the  Law  Department. 

We  have  the  honor  to  add  our  indorsement  and  to 
join  most  heartily  in  the  invitation  of  the  students 
and  in  the  expression  of  their  earnest  wishes  that  it 
may  be  accepted. 

J.  B.  Angell, 

T.  M.  Cooley, 

J.  C.  Knowlton, 

In  behalf  of  the  Faculty. 


—25— 


THE  ACCEPTANCE. 

• • • 

Lakewood,  N.  J.,  Feb.  7,  1892. 
Mesf^rs.  H,  A,  Smith  and  others,  Committee,  etc,: 

Gentlemen. — It  gives  me  much  pleasure  to  accept 
the  invitation  you  tender  me  on  behalf  of  the  classes 
of  the  Law  Department  of  the  Michigan  University  to 
attend  the  celebration  of  Washington’s  birthday  on 
the  twenty-second  instant,  and  to  speak  on  the 
occasion. 

May  I ask  to  be  informed,  when  convenient,  con- 
cerning the  things  which  will  be  expected  of  me 
during  my  stay  in  Ann  Arbor. 

Yours  very  truly, 

Grover  Cleveland. 


— 26 — 


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